‘fall behind’
| Argument frame: |
X
(fall behind)
Y
|
| Stimulus sentence: |
(P. and M. started out to school together, but)
P.
fell behind
M
.
|
| Predicate label Ru: |
отстать
|
| Argument frame Ru: |
X
(отставать) от
Y
-а
|
| Stimulus sentence Ru: |
(П. и М. вместе пошли в школу, но)
П.
отстал от
М
.
|
Abaza
ʕa-[χ’ə-]ŝa
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_LOCxe
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: LOCxe |
| Locus: Y |
| rasúl |
zaréma |
d-ʕá-l-χ’-ŝa-d |
|
pn
|
pn
|
3
sg
.
h
.
abs
-
cisl
-3
sg
.
f
.
io
-
loc
-fall(
aor
)-
dcl
|
| ‘Rasul fell behind Zarema.’ |
Adyghe (West Circassian)
q-jə-ne
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_POweze
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: POweze |
| Locus: Y |
| č̣ʼale-r |
pŝaŝe-m |
ə-wəž |
q-jə-na-ʁ |
|
guy-
abs
|
girl-
obl
|
3
sg
.
po
-trace
|
csl
-
loc
:
cont
-remain-
pst
|
| ‘The guy fell behind the girl.’ |
Aghul
qatːarx.u-
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_POST.ELAT
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: POST.ELAT |
| Locus: Y |
| aslan |
qatːarx.u-ne |
meʜemed.i-q-as |
|
pn
|
{
post
.
elat
}get.
pf
-
aor
|
pn
-
post
-
elat
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Muhammad.’ |
Akhvakh (Northern)
qedi biχχuruƛa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| pataħi |
qedi |
w-uχχ-ari |
musa-gune |
|
pn
|
behind
|
m
-remain-
aor
|
pn
-
el
|
| ‘Patahi fell behind Musa.’ |
Andi (Zilo)
<j>-eχːudu <j>-ekː.u-j
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_CONT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: CONT |
| Locus: Y |
| pat’imati |
marjam-tʃ’u |
j-eχːudu |
j-ekː.u-j |
|
pn
[
f
][
nom
]
|
pn
-
cont
|
f
-after
|
f
-stay.
pst
-
pf
|
| ‘Patimat fell behind Mariam.’ |
Arabic (Jewish Baghdadi)
mšy
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| Abrahām |
qa-yǝmši |
xalǝf-Maryam |
|
pn
|
rps
-walk.
ipf
.3
ms
|
after-
pn
|
| ‘Abraham is walking after Maryam.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because this translation is semantically inaccurate. |
Arabic (Northern Syrian)
ẓal
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_wara
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: wara |
| Locus: Y |
| Mḥammad |
ẓal |
wara |
Aḥmad |
|
pn
|
remain.
pfv
.3
m
|
behind
|
pn
|
| ‘Muhammad fell behind Ahmad.’ |
Arabic (South Levantine, Nazareth)
s.b.ʾ
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| Reem |
sabbaʾat |
ʿala |
Shadi |
|
pn
|
precede.
pst
.3
f
.
sg
|
on
|
pn
|
| ‘Reem beat/outran Shadi.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because the translation deviates too far from the stimulus sentence. |
Arabic (standard)
taḫallafa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_anGEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: anGEN |
| Locus: Y |
| Badr-un |
taḫallafa |
ʕan |
Maryam-a |
|
pn
-
nom
|
fall_behind.
pf
.3
m
|
off
|
pn
-
gen
|
| ‘Badr fell behind Maryam.’ |
Archi
χir e-χːas
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMP
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMP |
| Locus: Y |
| paša |
marin-ni-χur |
χir |
i<w>χːu |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
comp
|
behind
|
<1>remain.
pfv
|
| ‘Pasha fell behind Marina.’ |
| Note: χir is part of the predicate (an adverbial element). The NP in the comparative case can be omitted. |
Armenian (Eastern)
et ənknel
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petros-ə |
Mher-ic’ |
et+ənkav |
|
pn
[
nom
]-
def
|
pn
-
abl
|
fall_behind:
aor
:3
sg
|
| ‘Petros fell behind Mher.’ |
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic
payəš +baray
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_men
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: men |
| Locus: Y |
| urza |
pəš-lə |
+baray |
mən |
baxta |
|
man(
m
)
|
remain.
pst
-
ls
.3
m
|
behind
|
from
|
woman(
f
)
|
| ‘The man fell behind the woman.’ |
Avar
naqa χut’ize
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| ʕali |
aħmad-i-dasa |
naqa |
χut’-ana |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
el
|
back.
el
|
remain-
aor
|
| ‘Ali fell behind Ahmad.’ |
Azerbaijani
geri qalmaq
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Aslan |
Rǝsul-dan |
geri |
qal-dı |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back
|
remain-
pst
(3)
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Bafut
tᵼ̀gᵼ̀
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_a.ndim
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: ndim |
| Locus: Y |
| àmbɛ́ |
à |
lᵼ́ |
tᵼ̀gᵼ̀ |
á |
ǹdᵼ̀m |
sùù |
|
pn
|
sm
|
p
1
|
delay
|
at
|
back/
prep
|
pn
|
| ‘Ambe fell behind Suh.’ |
Bambara
tó
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ko
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: ko |
| Locus: Y |
| Sékù |
tó-ra |
Fántà |
kɔ́ |
|
pn
|
remain-
pfv
.
intr
|
pn
|
behind
|
| ‘Seku fell behind Fanta.’ |
Bartangi
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| Ahmed |
az |
Abdullo |
zabo |
δo-d |
|
pn
|
el
|
pn
|
behind
|
fall-
pst
|
| ‘Ahmed fell behind Abdullo.’ |
| Note: This is not a DOM pattern. |
Belarusian
adstać
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_adGEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: adGEN |
| Locus: Y |
| Alieś |
adsta-ŭ |
ad |
Alien-y |
|
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
.
sg
.
m
|
from_at
|
pn
-
gen
.
sg
|
| ‘Ales fell behind Alena’.’ |
Budugh
xan ınkan
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| aslan |
rosul-a'r |
xan |
irkin-ci |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
after
|
h
.remain.
pfv
-
prf
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Bulgarian
izostana
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ot
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: ot |
| Locus: Y |
| Petăr |
izostana |
ot |
Mihail |
|
pn
|
fall_behind(
pfv
).
aor
.3
sg
|
from
|
pn
|
| ‘Petar fell behind Mihail.’ |
Catalan
quedar enrere
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| en |
Pere |
va |
qued-ar |
enrere |
del |
Marc |
|
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
go.3
sg
.
prs
.
ind
|
remain-
inf
|
behind
|
of.
def
.
sg
.
m
|
pn
(
m
)
|
| ‘Pere fell behind Marc.’ |
Chechen
t’aehwa-AGR-isa
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_COMP
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: COMP |
| Locus: Y |
| Islam |
Nadir-al |
t’aehwa-v-issa-na |
|
pn
.
abs
|
pn
-
comp
|
behind-
v
-leave-
prf
|
| ‘Islam fell behind Nadir.’ |
Chinese (Mandarin)
luò-hòu
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_yu
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: yu |
| Locus: Y |
| Zhāngsān |
luò-hòu |
yú |
Lǐsì |
le |
|
pn
|
fall-behind
|
to
|
pn
|
pfv
|
| ‘Zhangsan fell behind Lisi.’ |
Chirag
hara-b-elgi
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_SUPER.ELAT
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: SUPER.ELAT |
| Locus: Y |
| ʡa̰le |
rasul-l-i-rka |
hara-j-elg-un-ne |
|
pn
(
abs
)
|
pn
-
obl
-
super
-
elat
|
post-
m
.
sg
-stay:
pf
-
aor
-
res
.
prs
.3
|
| ‘Ali fell behind Rasul.’ |
Croatian
zaostati
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Per-o |
je |
zaosta-o |
za |
Miš-om |
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
be.
prs
.3
sg
|
fall.behind(
pfv
)-
part
.
perf
.
m
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Pero fell behind Mišo.’ |
Czech
zpozdit se
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Petr |
se |
zpozdí-l |
za |
Michal-em |
|
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
refl
.
acc
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
behind
|
pn
(
m
)-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Petr fell behind Michal.’ |
Danish
komme bagefter
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Peter |
kom |
bagefter |
Marie |
|
pn
|
come.
pst
|
behind
|
pn
|
| ‘Peter fell behind Marie.’ |
Dargwa (Itsari)
helga-B-ik-araj
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_SUPER.EL
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: SUPER.EL |
| Locus: Y |
| Islam |
Nadir-ri-r |
helga-ič-ib |
|
pn
(
abs
)
|
pn
-
obl
-(
super
)
el
|
fall_behind-(
m
)
lv
.
pfv
-
aor
|
| ‘Islam fell behind Nadir.’ |
Dargwa (Kadar)
k-alʔ-es / k-ulʔ-es
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMP
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMP |
| Locus: Y |
| meħamad |
rasu-j-kem |
araʁa |
k-alʔ-un |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
comp
|
behind
|
down
-stay.
pfv
-
pret
|
| ‘Muhammad fell behind Rasul.’ |
Dargwa (Kaytag)
maˁʁlavikara
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ANTEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ANTEL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petja |
Miša-sar |
maˁʁlavič:-iv |
|
pn
|
pn
-
antel
|
m
.lag.
pf
-
aor
(3)
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Misha.’ |
Dargwa (Kubachi)
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPERLAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPERLAT |
| Locus: Y |
| gal |
juldaš-li-ži |
hila |
w-ič-e |
|
boy
|
friend-
obl
-
super
(
lat
)
|
behind(
lat
)
|
m
-fall.
pfv
-3.
aor
.
itr
|
| ‘The boy fell behind his friend.’ |
Dargwa (Tsudakhar)
ʡel b-ič-iz/b-irč-iz
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPER.ABL2
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPER.ABL2 |
| Locus: Y |
| uršːi |
juldaš-li-ja-kar |
ʡel |
ha-jč-ib |
|
boy
|
friend-
obl
-
super
-
abl
2
|
behind
|
up
-(
m
)fall.
pfv
-
pret
(3)
|
| ‘The boy fell behind the girl.’ |
Dargwa (Tsugni)
hela ka-b-ič-i / ka-b-irč-i
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_GEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: GEN |
| Locus: Y |
| durħaˤ |
rus:i-la |
hela |
ka-jč-ib |
|
boy
|
girl-
gen
|
behind
|
down-fall.
pfv
-
pret
(3)
|
| ‘The boy fell behind the girl.’ |
| Note: NP in the genitive is arguably a clause-level dependent. |
Dutch
achteropraken
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_bij
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: bij |
| Locus: Y |
| Piet |
raak-te |
bij |
Marie |
achterop |
|
pn
(
c
)
|
walk-3
sg
|
at
|
pn
(
c
)
|
behind
|
| ‘Piet fell behind Marie.’ |
Enets (Forest)
kaji
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| vasʲa |
kasa-xazo-da |
kaji-bi |
|
pn
|
man-
abl
.
sg
-
obl
.
sg
.3
sg
|
stay_behind(
pfv
)-
prf
.3
sg
.
s
|
| ‘Vasja fell behind his friend’. |
English
fall
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_behind
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: behind |
| Locus: Y |
Estonian
maha jääma
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ELA |
| Locus: Y |
| Peeter |
jä-i |
Mareti-st |
maha |
|
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
stay-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
-
ela
|
down
|
| ‘Peeter fell behind Maret.’ |
| Note: Phrasal verb (maha is not a flagging device). |
Finnish
jäädä jälkeen
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ELA |
| Locus: Y |
| Pekka |
jä-i |
jälkeen |
Mati-sta |
|
pn
.
nom
|
stay-
pst
.3
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ela
|
| ‘Pekka fell behind Matti.’ |
French
être distancé
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_par
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: par |
| Locus: Y |
| Paul |
a |
été |
distancé |
par |
Marie |
|
pn
(
m
)
|
have.
prs
.3
sg
|
be.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
outrun.
pst
.
ptcp
.
m
|
by
|
pn
(
f
)
|
| ‘Paul fell behind Marie.’ |
| Note: Passive construction. |
Gascon
s'a hèit enlà
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| Pau |
s’=a |
hèit |
enlà |
de |
Miren |
|
pn
|
refl
=have.
prs
.3
sg
|
make.
pst
.
ptcp
|
beyond
|
of
|
pn
|
| ‘Pau fell behind Miren.’ |
Gban
fò è … Y kwȁà
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_nen
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: nen |
| Locus: Y |
| Zá̰ |
ɛ́ |
fò=è |
Mɔ̰̈bì |
nɛ̰̏ |
ȁ |
kwȁà |
|
pn
|
3
sg
\
pst
|
move_away[
pfv
.
hod
]=
loc
1
|
pn
|
at
|
s/he/it
|
behind
|
| ‘Zan fell behind Monbi.’ |
Georgian
ča-mo-Ø-rč-eb-a (FUT)
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| magram |
p'et're-Ø |
mašo-s |
ča-mo-Ø-rč-a |
|
but
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
dat
|
prv
:downward+inward-
prv
:
prox
-
io
3-stay-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
| ‘But Petre fell behind Masho.’ |
German
zurückfallen
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_hinterACC
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: hinterACC |
| Locus: Y |
| Karl |
fiel |
hinter |
Marie |
zurück |
|
pn
[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall.
pst
.3
sg
|
behind
|
pn
[
acc
.
sg
]
|
back
|
| ‘Karl fell behind Marie.’ |
Hebrew (modern)
piger
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_axarej
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: axarej |
| Locus: Y |
| Pinχas |
piger |
aχarej |
Menaχem |
|
pn
|
lag[
pst
.3
sg
.
m
]
|
after
|
pn
|
| ‘Pinchas fell behind Menachem.’ |
Hindi
pīche rahnā
|
Valency pattern:
DIR_OBLke.piche
|
| X: DIR |
| Y: OBLke.piche |
| Locus: Y |
| Pratīk |
Mohan |
ke |
pīche |
rah |
gay-ā |
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
dir
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
obl
|
adjz
.
m
.
sg
.
obl
|
behind
|
stay
|
go.
pfv
-
m
.
sg
|
| ‘Prateek fell behind Mohan.’ |
Indonesian (standard)
tertinggal
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_dari
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: dari |
| Locus: Y |
| Abdul |
tertinggal |
dari |
Ade |
|
pn
|
fall_behind
|
from
|
pn
|
| ‘Abdul fell behind Ade.’ |
Irish
tit siar
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_o
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: o |
| Locus: Y |
| Thit |
Peter |
siar |
ó |
Mary. |
|
pst
/fall.behind
|
pn
|
back
|
from
|
pn
|
| ‘Pól fell behind Máire.’ |
Italian
rimanere indietro
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_rispetto.a
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: rispetto.a |
| Locus: Y |
| Leo |
è |
rimast-o |
indietro |
rispetto |
a |
Maria |
|
pn
(
m
)
|
aux
.3
sg
.
prs
|
stay.
pst
.
ptcp
-
sg
.
m
|
behind
|
compared
|
to
|
pn
(
f
)
|
| ‘Leo fell behind Maria.’ |
Karata
χigi biχχwaɬa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_CONTEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: CONTEL |
| Locus: Y |
| ʕali |
aħmat’-i-č’ogal |
biƛ’e |
χigi |
w-uχχu |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
contel
|
strongly
|
behind
|
m
-remain.
pf
|
| ‘Ali fell way behind Ahmat.’ |
| Note: Here, “χigi” arguably functions as part of the predicate. |
Kazakh
qal-ïp qoy
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petya |
Maša-dan |
qal-ïp |
qoy-dï |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
remain-
cvb
|
put-
pst
1.3
sg
|
| ‘Petya fell behind Masha.’ |
Khanty (Kazym)
jǒχi χǎśti
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_NOMewelt
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: NOMewelt |
| Locus: Y |
| pet’a-j-en |
maša-j-ǝλ |
ewǝλt |
jǒχi |
χǎś-ǝs |
|
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.2
sg
|
pn
-
ep
-
poss
.3
sg
|
from
|
home
|
remain-
pst
[3
sg
]
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Khoekhoe
khaooa
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_xa
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: xa |
| Locus: Y |
| Petru-b |
ge |
Maria-s |
xa |
ge |
khaooa |
|
pn
-3
m
.
sg
|
decl
|
pn
-3
f
.
sg
|
by
|
pst
|
lag_behind
|
| ‘Peter fell behind Maria.’ |
Khwarshi
žohol ƛiχa
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_SUPER.EL
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: SUPER.EL |
| Locus: Y |
| šamil |
ƛiχ-χa |
hamaʁe-za-ƛ'o-žo |
žohol |
|
pn
|
remain-
pst
.
w
|
friend-
pl
.
o
-
super
-
el
|
behind
|
| ‘Shamil fell behind his friends.’ |
Komi-Permyak
ковьччыны
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_borsjan
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: borsjan |
| Locus: Y |
| Петя |
ковьчч-и-с |
Маша |
бӧр-сянь |
|
pn
|
остаться-
prt
-3
|
pn
|
задняя_часть-
egr
|
| ‘Петя отстал от Маши.’ |
Komi-Zyrian
kol'č́č́i̮ni̮
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ELA
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ELA |
| Locus: Y |
| Pet'a |
kol'č́č́-i-s |
Maša-i̮ś |
|
pn
|
fall_behind-
pret
-3
|
pn
-
ela
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Masha.’ |
Kpelle (Guinean)
lɛ̌ɛ
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_pulu
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: pulu |
| Locus: Y |
| Pépèe |
àá |
lɛ̀ɛ |
Hɛ́ni |
púlû |
|
pn
|
3
sg
.
prf
|
remain
|
pn
|
back
|
| ‘Pepee fell behind Heni.’ |
Kryz (Alik)
yiq'can ipkinic
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_PART
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: PART |
| Locus: Y |
| terlan |
rasul-kar |
yiq'-can |
irkin-id |
|
pn
|
pn
-
part
|
back-
adv
|
m
.remain.
pfv
-
aor
.
m
|
| ‘Terlan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Kryz (Ismayilli)
yiğcaʕan yipkinic
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ADEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ADEL |
| Locus: Y |
| aslan |
rasul-i-var |
yiğcaʕan |
yilkin-d |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
adel
|
back.
lat
|
remain.
pf
-
aor
.
m
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Kryz (proper)
tsiran iknuc
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ADEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ADEL |
| Locus: Y |
| aslan |
rasul-var |
tsiran |
ikin-d |
|
pn
|
pn
-
adel
|
back
|
remain.
pf
-
aor
.
m
|
| ‘Aslan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Kumyk
artda qalmaq
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| basir |
musa-dan |
art-da |
qal-d-ɨ |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back-
loc
|
remain-
pst
-3
sg
|
| ‘Basir fell behind Musa.’ |
Kurdish (Sorani)
be cê man
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ.INTR_le
|
| X: SBJ.INTR |
| Y: le |
| Locus: Y |
| Hîwa |
le |
Diyako-î |
be |
cê |
ma-Ø |
|
pn
|
from
|
pn
-
obl
|
to
|
place
|
remain.
pst
-3
sg
|
| ‘Hiwa fell behind Diako.’ |
Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish)
li pişt ketin (intr)
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ.INTR_li.pishtOBL
|
| X: SBJ.INTR |
| Y: li.pishtOBL |
| Locus: Y |
| lawik |
li |
pişt |
keçik-ê |
ket |
|
man
|
at
|
behind
|
girl-
obl
.
f
|
fall.
pfv
|
| ‘The boy fell behind the girl.’ |
Lak (Quba)
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMP
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMP |
| Locus: Y |
| Maħammad |
maq-un |
ah-und-i |
Rasul-du-jar |
|
pn
|
behind-
lat
|
1.fall-
aor
-3
p
|
pn
-
obl
-
comp
|
| ‘Mohammad fell behind Rasul.’ |
Latin
decedo
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| si |
quis |
agmin-e |
decess-isse-t, |
pro |
desertor-e |
fore |
clamita-ns |
|
if
|
who.
nom
.
sg
|
rank(
n
)-
abl
.
sg
|
fall_behind-
plup
.
sbjv
-
act
.3
sg
|
for
|
deserter(
m
)-
abl
.
sg
|
be.
fut
.
inf
.
act
|
call-
prs
.
ptcp
.
act
.
nom
.
sg
|
| ‘... yelling that whoever departs from the rank will be held for a deserter.’ |
| Note: (Tac. Ann. I, 38) |
Laz
o-skid-u
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Käzim-i |
Fatma-šen |
ek'-Ø-a-skid-u |
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
abl
|
prv
-
io
3-
ver
:
r
-remain-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
| ‘Käzim fell behind Fatma.’ |
Lezgian (Yargun)
ccüǧvena amuqˈin
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPEL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPEL |
| Locus: Y |
| Sahib |
Eldar-a-laa |
ccüǧvena |
amuqˈ-na |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
supel
|
behind.
in
|
remain-
aor
|
| ‘Sahib fell behind Eldar.’ |
Macedonian
zaostane
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_od
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: od |
| Locus: Y |
| Petar |
zaostana |
od |
Maja |
|
pn
|
fall_behind(
pfv
).
aor
.3
sg
|
from
|
pn
|
| ‘Petar fell behind Maja.’ |
Maltese
waqa’ lura
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Ġwanni |
waqa’ |
lura |
Mark |
|
pn
|
fall.
pf
.
m
.3
sg
|
back
|
pn
|
| ‘Ġwanni fell behind Mark.’ |
Maninka (Eastern)
tó
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_ko
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: ko |
| Locus: Y |
| Fónbà |
tó-da |
Sékù |
kɔ́. |
|
pn
|
remain-
aor
.
intr
|
pn
|
behind
|
| ‘Fomba fell behind Seku.’ |
Mano
tó
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_pie
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: pie |
| Locus: Y |
| āà |
tó |
ŋ̄ |
píé |
|
3
sg
.
prf
|
stay
|
1
sg
|
behind
|
| ‘S/he has fallen behind me.’ |
Mansi (Northern)
juw xul’tǝs
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| am |
juw |
xul’t-s-um |
jurt-an-ǝl |
|
i
|
back
|
stay-
pst
-1
sg
|
friend-
pl
-
el
|
| ‘I fell behind my friends.’ |
Mehweb
ʡa- kalʔes
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPER.ESS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPER.ESS |
| Locus: Y |
| Islam |
ʡa-w |
kalʔ-un |
Nadir-li-če-w |
|
pn
|
behind-
m
|
remain:
pfv
-
aor
|
pn
-
obl
-
super
-
m
(
ess
)
|
| ‘Islam fell behind Nadir.’ |
Mingrelian
ek'-Ø-a-sk'id-un-Ø (FUT)
|
Valency pattern:
ERG_DAT
|
| X: ERG |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| čelo-k |
anučia-s |
k-ek'-Ø-a-sk'id-u |
|
pn
-
erg
|
pn
-
dat
|
aff
-
prv
-
io
3-
ver
:
r
-stay-
s
3
sg
.
pst
|
| ‘Chelo fell behind Anuchia.’ |
Nanai
xamila dərəǯi-
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petia |
Maša-ǯea |
xame-la-ni |
dərəǯi-xə-ni |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
back-
loc
-
p
.3
sg
|
remain-
pst
-
p
.3
sg
|
| ‘Petia fell behind Masha.’ |
Nivkh
jarid
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Kaskazik |
Ajsana |
+ |
ari-d |
|
pn
|
pn
|
+
|
fall.behind-
ind
|
| ‘Kaskazik fell behind Ajsana.’ |
Norwegian Bokmål
å ligge etter
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Per |
lå |
etter |
Ola |
|
pn
|
lie.
pst
|
after
|
pn
|
| ‘Per fell behind Ola.’ |
| Note: Phrasal verb (etter is not a flagging device). |
Oromo (West Central)
hafa
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABSbiraa
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABSbiraa |
| Locus: Y |
| obsaa-n |
kuf-ee |
tolaa |
biraa |
haf-e |
|
pn
-
nom
|
fall-
conv
|
pn
.
abs
|
beside.
abl
|
remain-3
sg
.
m
.
pfv
|
| ‘Obsa fell and remained behind Tola.’ |
Persian
'aqab oftādan
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_azNOM
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: azNOM |
| Locus: Y |
| ahmad |
az |
mariam |
'aqab |
oftād |
|
pn
|
from
|
pn
|
behind
|
fall.
pst
.3
sg
|
| ‘Ahmad fell behind Mariam.’ |
Polish
zostać
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| Ann-a |
zosta-ł-a |
w |
tyl-e |
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
remain:
pfv
-
pst
-
f
.3
sg
|
in
|
back-
loc
.
sg
|
| ‘Anna fell behind.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y is not overtly expressed. |
Portuguese (Brazilian)
ficar para trás
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| Pedro |
fic-ou |
para |
trás |
de |
Miguel |
|
pn
(
m
)
|
get-3
sg
.
pst
|
towards
|
behind
|
of
|
pn
(
m
)
|
| ‘Pedro fell behind Miguel.’ |
Romani (Kalderash)
aśel
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| o |
Murš-a |
aš-il-o |
kata |
Marijk-a |
|
art
.
m
.
dir
.
sg
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind-
pst
-3
sg
.
m
|
from
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
| ‘Murša fell behind Marijka.’ |
| Note: With a pronominal Y argument, the structure with the ablative case (ABL) would be used. |
Romanian
a rămâne
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| Petru |
a |
rămas |
în |
urm-a |
lui |
Maria |
|
pn
|
aux
.3
sg
|
remain.
pst
.
ptcp
|
in
|
trace-
def
.
dir
|
he.
dat
.
acnt
|
pn
|
| ‘Petru fell behind Maria.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. |
Russian
otstatʹ
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_otGEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: otGEN |
| Locus: Y |
| Pet-ja |
otsta-l |
ot |
Maš-i |
|
pn
(
m
)-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
from
|
pn
(
f
)-
gen
.
sg
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Rutul (Kina)
quɁ qargɨr
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUP.EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUP.EL |
| Locus: Y |
| ramazan |
quɁ |
q-argɨ-r |
rasul-u-la |
|
pn
(
nom
)
|
back.
lat
|
re
-
lv
.
pfv
-
cvb
|
pn
-
obl
(
sup
)-
el
|
| ‘Ramazan fell behind Rasul.’ |
Rutul (Mukhad)
qhuʔ qhargın
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_COMPAR
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: COMPAR |
| Locus: Y |
| murad |
q'urban-ı-qhaʔ |
qhuʔ |
qhargı-ri |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
-
compar
|
after
|
m
.remain_behind.
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Kurban.’ |
Rutul (Myukhrek)
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPEREL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPEREL |
| Locus: Y |
| mırad |
rasul-u-la |
qhu |
qhargı-ri |
|
pn
|
pn
-
obl
.
superel
|
be_behind
|
m
.remain.
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Rasul.’ |
Rutul (Shin-Borch)
yıˤq'aˤde atkın
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPEREL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPEREL |
| Locus: Y |
| murad |
aydın-ııla |
yıˤq'aˤ-de |
arkı-r |
|
pn
|
pn
-
superel
|
middle_back.
obl
-
ad
|
m
.remain.
pf
-
aor
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Aydin.’ |
Rutul (Shinaz)
qhuʔ qharkɨ-n
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_EL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| basir |
qhuʔ |
qharkɨ-r |
karam-ɨla |
|
pn
|
behind
|
re
.
m
.remain.
pf
-
aor
|
pn
-
el
|
| ‘Basir fell behind Karam.’ |
Saami (Skolt)
kuâđđjed
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_GENtuakka
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: GENtuakka |
| Locus: Y |
| Peâtt |
kuâđđj-i |
Määʹrj |
tuâkka |
|
pn
.
sg
.
nom
|
remain-
pst
.3
sg
|
pn
.
sg
.
gen
|
behind
|
| ‘Pete fell behind Maria’ |
Sagada
xizor ƛexa
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_APUD.ABL
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: APUD.ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Peyzula |
xizor |
ƛex-u |
ʕali-ʁ-oj |
|
pn
|
behind
|
remain-
pst
.
w
|
pn
-
apud
-
abl
|
| ‘Peyzula fell behind Ali.’ |
Serbian
zaostati
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Petar |
je |
zaosta-o |
za |
Marij-om |
|
pn
.
nom
.
sg
|
be.
prs
.3
sg
|
fall.behind-
part
.
perf
.
m
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Petar fell behind Maria.’ |
Shughni
zibo δêdow2
|
Valency pattern:
NOM.NO.CL_EL
|
| X: NOM.NO.CL |
| Y: EL |
| Locus: Y |
| Azim |
as |
Lola |
zibo |
δod |
|
pn
|
el
|
pn
|
behind
|
fall.
pst
|
| ‘Azim fell behind Lola.’ |
Slovak
zaostať
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| Peter |
zaosta-l |
za |
Mark-om |
|
pn
(
m
)[
nom
.
sg
]
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
behind
|
pn
(
m
)-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Peter fell behind Marek.’ |
Slovenian
zaostati
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_zaINS
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: zaINS |
| Locus: Y |
| An-a |
je |
zaosta-l-a |
za |
Pavl-om |
|
pn
-
nom
.
sg
|
aux
.3
sg
|
remain:
pfv
-
lpt
-
f
.
sg
|
behind
|
pn
-
ins
.
sg
|
| ‘Ana fell behind Pavel.’ |
Spanish
quedarse atrás
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_de
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: de |
| Locus: Y |
| Pedro |
se |
qued-ó |
atrás |
de |
María |
|
pn
[
sg
.
m
]
|
refl
.3
sg
|
remain-
aor
.3
sg
|
behind
|
from
|
pn
[
sg
.
f
]
|
| ‘Pedro fell behind Maria.’ |
Svan
x-o-sd-en-i (PRS)
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| maizer-Ø |
gegi-s |
č-o-x-säːd |
|
pn
-
nom
|
pn
-
dat
|
prv
:
downward
:
prv
:
dist
-
ver
:
o
-
io
3-remain
|
| ‘Maizer fell behind Gegi.’ |
Swedish
att hamna efter
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Björn |
hamna-de |
efter |
Maja |
|
pn
|
end_up-
pst
|
after
|
pn
|
| ‘Björn fell behind Maja.’ |
Tabasaran (Kandyk)
*
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| rasul |
maˁhaˁmad.a-n |
qaˁl.aˁ-q |
qaq-nu |
|
pn
(
abs
)
|
pn
-
gen
|
back-
post
|
(
h
.
sg
)fall.on-
pst
|
| ‘Rasul fell behind Mahamad’. |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. |
Tagalog
mahuli
|
Valency pattern:
ACT_LOC
|
| X: ACT |
| Y: LOC |
| Locus: Y |
| na-huli |
si |
Pedro |
kay |
Miguel |
|
<
pfv
>
stem
-be_last[
av
]
|
pers
.
subj
|
pn
|
pers
.
dat
|
pn
|
| ‘Pedro fell behind Miguel.’ |
Telugu
venakapaḍu
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_DAT
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: DAT |
| Locus: Y |
| pravīṇ |
maheṣ-ki |
venakapaḍḍāḍu |
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
nom
|
pn
(
m
).
sg
.
obl
-
dat
|
lag.
pst
.3
sg
.
m
|
| ‘Praveen fell behind Mahesh.’ |
Tsakhur
aˁvqhiyr aхviy
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_SUPEREL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: SUPEREL |
| Locus: Y |
| aˁli |
murad-ıle |
aˁvqhiyr |
aхu |
|
pn
|
pn
-
superel
|
behind
|
(
m
)stay.
pf
|
| ‘Murad fell behind Murad.’ |
Tswana
salela morago
|
Valency pattern:
TR
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: DO |
| Locus: TR |
| Kitso |
o-sal-ets-e |
Mpho |
morago |
|
prn
(1)
|
s
i
:cl1-remain-
appl
.
prf
-
fv
|
prn
(1)
|
behind
|
| ‘Kitso lagged behind Mpho.’ |
Turkish
geri kalmak
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Mehmet |
Orhan-dan |
geri |
kal-dı |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind
|
remain-
pst
|
| ‘Mehmet fell behind Orhan.’ |
Turoyo
foyəš
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ.SS_beter.m
|
| X: SBJ.SS |
| Y: beter.m |
| Locus: Y |
| Šabo |
fayəš |
bəṯṯər |
m-i |
Maryam |
|
pn
|
remain.
pfv
.3
m
|
behind
|
from-
art
.
f
|
pn
|
| ‘Šabo fell behind Maryam.’ |
Twi
ka
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ_akyi
|
| X: SBJ |
| Y: akyi |
| Locus: Y |
| Kofi |
ka-a |
nana |
akyi |
|
pn
|
touch-
pst
|
grandfather
|
behind
|
| ‘Kofi fell behind grandfather.’ |
Udi
qoş mandes
|
Valency pattern:
ABS_ABL
|
| X: ABS |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Nast'ya |
St'anislav-axun |
qoş=e |
mand-i |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind=3
sg
|
remain-
aor
|
| ‘Nastya fell behind Stanislav.’ |
Udmurt
ki̮l'i̮ni̮
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Pet'a |
Maša-leś |
ki̮l-iz |
|
pn
.
nom
|
pn
-
abl
|
fall.behind-
pst
.3
sg
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Masha.’ |
Ukrainian
vidstaty
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_vidGEN
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: vidGEN |
| Locus: Y |
| Petr-o |
vidsta-v |
vid |
Marij-i |
|
pn
(
m
)-
nom
.
sg
|
fall_behind(
pfv
)-
pst
[
m
.
sg
]
|
from1
|
pn
(
f
)-
gen
.
sg
|
| ‘Petro fell behind Mariya.’ |
Ulcha
dərəǯu-
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| tam=də |
əktə |
piktə |
dərə-ǯu-xə-ni |
|
then=
emph
|
female
|
child
|
remain-
rep
-
pst
-3
sg
|
| ‘But then the girl fell behind.’ |
| Note: Not included in the database because Y cannot be overtly expressed. |
Uzbek
orkada kolib ketmoq
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Petya |
Maša-dan |
orkada |
kol-ib |
ket-ti |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
behind
|
remain-
cvb
|
go_away-
pst
.3
sg
|
| ‘Petja fell behind Maša.’ |
Wolof
*
|
Valency pattern:
NA
|
| X: * |
| Y: * |
| Locus: * |
| * |
|
*
|
| * |
| Note: No satisfactory translation has been obtained. |
Yukaghir (Northern)
ponˈuol=
|
Valency pattern:
NOM_ABL
|
| X: NOM |
| Y: ABL |
| Locus: Y |
| Sǝmiǝn |
Əkulˈǝ-ɣаt |
ponˈ-uol-dǝŋ |
ū-j |
|
pn
|
pn
-
abl
|
leave-
res
-
cnv
|
go-
intr
.3
sg
|
| ‘Semien fell behind Akulina.’ |
Zazaki
|
Valency pattern:
SBJ.INTR_ra.PSTP
|
| X: SBJ.INTR |
| Y: ra.PSTP |
| Locus: Y |
| oxɨr |
waj-a |
xo=ra |
tɛpija |
mɛnd |
|
pn
|
sister-
ez
.
f
|
refl
=from
|
behind
|
stay.
pst
|
| ‘Oxir fell behind his sister.’ |