Sorani Kurdish

M.A.'s photo

The dataset below comes from Mukri Central Kurdish. The data were provided by Mansour Amadeh in his capacity of a native speaker in 2023, originally coming from Mahabad in the Iranian province of West Azerbaijan. The English version of the questionnaire was used for elicitation.

How to cite

Amadeh, Mansour. 2023. Bivalent patterns in Sorani Kurdish. In: Say, Sergey (ed.). BivalTyp: Typological database of bivalent verbs and their encoding frames. (Data first published on June 26, 2023; last revised on October 13, 2024.) (Available online at https://www.bivaltyp.info, Accessed on .)

Basic info

Coordinates: 36.77, 45.73.
Genealogy (as given in WALS). Family: Indo-European, genus: Iranian.
Macro-area: West Asia and the Caucasus.

Grammar notes

Basic clause structure and the transitive construction

Due to the limited case distinctions in Sorani Kurdish (see below), the primary strategy for differentiating core arguments involves the use of pronominal indexes. The relevant pronominal forms are presented in Table 1.

Table 1. Person forms in Sorani Kurdish

	Independent pronoun	gloss	Pronominal clitics	gloss	Verb agreement marker		gloss
	Independent pronoun	gloss	Pronominal clitics	gloss	set I (Present)	set II (Past)	gloss
1SG	min	I	=im	=1SG.PC	-(i)m	-(i)m	1SG
2SG	to	you	=(i)t	=2SG.PC	-î(t)/ (Imp) -∅ / -e	-î(t)	2SG
3SG	ew	s/he	=î	=3SG.PC	-a(t) / -ê(t) / -Ø	-∅	3SG
1PL	ême	we	=man	=1PL.PC	-în	-în	1PL
2PL	êwe	you	=tan	=2PL.PC	-(i)n	-(i)n	2PL
3PL	ewan	they	=yan	=3PL.PC	-(i)n	-(i)n	3PL

Independent pronouns are used relatively rarely and are included here primarily for illustrative purposes. The main distinction is between the two series of forms conventionally labeled ‘pronominal clitics’ and ‘verb agreement markers’. Note that the three series of pronominal forms are glossed differently to facilitate navigation through the dataset below.

Overall, the indexing of arguments in Sorani Kurdish depends on whether they are nominal or pronominal and also on the tense value of the predicate, yielding a number of intricate patterns. Based on the observed encoding devices in various conditions, we distinguish the following syntactic statuses (the labels used for the annotation of the dataset below are provided in parentheses): intransitive subjects (SBJ.INTR), transitive subjects (SBJ.TR), direct objects (DO), external arguments (EXT) and several types of prepositional arguments labeled by the simplified shapes of respective prepositions. The correspondences between syntactic statuses and observed indexing/flagging is summarized in Table 2, followed by a more detailed discussion.

Table 2. Tags used in valency class annotations and argument-encoding devices: an overview

Syntactic status	Flag	Index: +lexical, PRS	Index: -lexical, PRS	Index: +lexical, PST	Index: -lexical, PST
SBJ.INTR	no	VAM(I)	VAM(I)	VAM(II)	VAM(II)
SBJ.TR	no	VAM(I)	VAM(I)	PC	PC
DO	(OBL)	no	PC	no = VAM(II), 3SG	VAM(II)
EXT	no	PC	PC	PC	PC
PPs (le, etc.)	(OBL)	no	no	no	no

In Table 2, parentheses in "(OBL)" indicate optionality and "VAM" stands for "verb agreement markers".

Like most modern Indo-Iranian languages, Sorani Kurdish exhibits a split-ergative alignment conditioned by tense. In present tense constructions, Sorani Kurdish displays an accusative alignment, where the verb agrees in number and person with the subject using verb agreement markers suffixed to the verb stem. These verb agreement markers are obligatory, whether the verb is intransitive (1) or transitive (2, 3), and whether the subject is expressed by a full noun phrase or an independent pronoun (2) or not (3).

(1)  minał-k-an       de-r̂o-n         bo   xiwêndinge
     children-DEF-PL  IND-go.PRS-3PL  for  school
     ‘The children are going to school.’

(2)  min  perdax-ek-an  de-ʂikên-im
     I    glass-DEF-PL  IND-break.PRS-1SG
     'I break the glasses.' 

(3)  perdax-ek-an  de-ʂikên-im
     glass-DEF-PL  IND-break.PRS-1SG
     'I break the glasses.'

Overt objects are not indexed on the verb (3). However, pronominal clitics are used for objects that are not expressed by a full noun phrase or an independent pronoun (4). The placement of pronominal clitics follows complicated rules and, importantly, they do not necessarily follow the verb.

(4)  de=yan-ʂikên-im
     IND=3PL.PC-break.PRS-1SG
     'I break them.'

Past tense constructions display ergative alignment. Similar to present tense constructions, intransitive subjects (SBJ.INTR) are indexed on the verb by verb agreement markers (5). In transitive constructions, subjects (SBJ.TR) are indexed by pronominal clitics, whether or not they are expressed by full noun phrases or independent pronouns (6, 7). The placement of pronominal clitics follows the same rules as in present tense constructions, meaning they are not necessarily attached to the verb (6, 7).

(5)  ke    ême  r̂oîşt-în,      êwe  geîşt-in
     when  we   leave.PST-1PL  you  arrive.PST-2PL
     ‘When we left you arrived.’

(6)  min  perdax-ek-an=m       ʂikand-∅
     I    glass-DEF-PL=1SG.PC  break.PST-3SG
     'I broke the glasses.'

(7)  perdax-ek-an=m       ʂikand-∅
     glass-DEF-PL=1SG.PC  break.PST-3SG
     'I broke the glasses.'

Finally, direct objects (DO) expressed by overt noun phrases are not indexed on the verb. This can be interpreted as the use of default 3SG agreement markers (see 6 and 7). However, non-lexical objects are expressed by verb agreement markers (8). Overall, argument indexing in transitive constructions in the past tense mirrors that of the present tense.

(8)  ʂikand=im-in
     break.PST=1SG.PC-3PL
     'I broke them.'

Apart from indexing direct objects in the present tense and transitive subjects in the past tense, pronominal clitics signal possessors within noun phrases (9).

(9)  kiras-eke=m       pîs-e
     shirt-DEF=1SG.PC  dirty-be.PRS.3SG
     'My shirt is dirty.'

Possessive noun phrases can also be formed using the izafe construction, where the possessee precedes the possessor and is marked by the izafe suffix -î, which is used regardless of the possessor's person and number (see 10 and 11).

(10)  ser-î     Hîwa 
      head-IZF  PN 
      'Hiwa’s head'

(11)  ser-î     min
      head-IZF  PN
      'My head'.

As follows from the discussion above, the distribution of pronominal forms can be used to identify basic valency patterns in Sorani Kurdish. In the dataset below, the label ‘SBJ.INTR’ is used for arguments indexed by verb agreement markers in both the present and the past tense. The label ‘SBJ.TR’ is used for arguments indexed by verb agreement markers in the present tense, and by pronominal clitics in the past tense. Finally, the label ‘DO’ is used for arguments that can be indexed by verb agreement markers in the past tense (if not expressed by a lexical noun phrase) and can be indexed by pronominal clitics in the present tense (if not expressed by a lexical noun phrase).

Most non-core arguments, i.e., arguments not labeled as ‘SBJ.INTR’, ‘SBJ.TR’ or ‘DO’ in the dataset below, are flagged by various adpositions. However, there is a notable exception exemplified in (12).

(12)  Hîwa  ewr̂o   laq-ek-an=î         d-êʂ-in
      PN    today  foot-DEF-PL=3SG.PC  IND-hurt.PRS-3PL
      'Hiwa's feet ache today'.

Here, the verb agrees with the body part (‘feet’), which is encoded as a canonical intransitive subject (SBJ.INTR). However, the person name is not encoded as a canonical phrase-internal possessor, as evidenced by its clause-initial position and the lack of the izafe marker. Moreover, the use of the clause-level adverb ewr̂o ‘today’ indicates that the person name is not part of the noun phrase headed by the name of the body part. In short, the person name is extraposed, so the literal rendition of (12) would be something like ‘Hiwa, his feet ache today.’ In the dataset below, noun phrases with the syntactic properties of the person name in (12) are considered non-core arguments and are labeled "EXT" (external).

Case system

Case does not play a significant role in the grammar of Sorani Kurdish. In some contexts, direct objects and objects within prepositional phrases are marked with the only residual case marker -î (glossed as "OBL" in the dataset below), as in (13).

(13)  Hîwa  bawer̂   be  Selîm-î  de-k-a
      PN    belief  to  PN-OBL   IND-do.PRS-3SG
      ‘Hiwa believes Selim.’

Verb lemmas

Verbs are cited in their infinitive form.

Glossing abbreviations

ASP — aspect; DEF — definite; DEM — demonstrative; EXIST — existential copula; IMP — imperative; IND — indicative; INDF — indefinite; IZF — izafe ; LOC — locative; NEG — negative; OBL — oblique; PC — pronominal clitic; PFV — perfective; PL — plural; PN — person name; PREV — preverb; PRS — present tense; PST — past tense; PTCP — participle; SG — singular.

Data

Subset examples by valency pattern

Subset examples by locus

1. feel pain êʂîn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	ewr̂o	ser=î	d-êʂ-ê
pn	today	head=3 sg . pc	ind -hurt. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa has a headache today.’
Note: The verb agrees with the body part.

2. have (illness) girtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

ême	anfuɫanza=man	girt-û-e
we	flu=1 pl . pc	catch. pst - ptcp -be. prs .3 sg
‘We have the flu.’
Note: The 1PL.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

3. be afraid tirsîn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	seg-eke	de-tirs-ê
pn	from	dog- def	ind -fear. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is afraid of the dog.’

4. throw fir̂êdan

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

hewelê	Hîwa	berd-êk=î	fir̂êda-Ø
first	pn	stone- indf =3 sg . pc	throw. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa threw a stone first.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

5. have enough beʂ hebûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

êsta	Hîwa	beʂ-î	xoî	pare=î	he-ye
now	pn	share- izf	himself	money=3 sg . pc	exist -be. prs .3 sg
‘Now Hiwa has enough money.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate. The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the X argument, see the discussion of "EXT" in the Grammar notes.

6. resemble çûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	Selîm-î	de-ç-ê
pn	from	pn - obl	ind -go. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa resembles Selim.’

7. believe bawer̂ kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	bawer̂	be	Selîm-î	de-k-a
pn	belief	to	pn - obl	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa believes Selim.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument. The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

8. take heɫ girtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	kitêb-êk=î	le-ser	taq-eke	heɫ-girt-Ø
pn	book- indf =3 sg . pc	from-head	shelf- def	prev -catch. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa took a book from the shelf.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

9. see dîtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	maɫ-êk	de-bîn-ê
pn	house- indf	ind -see. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa sees a house.’

10. influence kariĝer bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le.ser

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le.ser

Locus: Y

temen	le-ser	bîrge	karîger-e
age	from-head	memory	influential-be. prs .3 sg
‘Age influences memory.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

11. encounter tûʂ bûn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	le	bazar-ê	lepir̂da	tûʂ-î	Zanko-î	bû-Ø
pn	from	market- loc	accidentally	encounter- izf	pn - obl	be. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa accidentally encounterd Zanko on the street.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

12. enter çûne

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	çûw-Ø-e	maɫ-eke
pn	go. pst -3 sg -to	house- def
‘Hiwa entered the house.’
Note: The verbal marker "-e" is the result of the “migration” of the preposition "le", cf. "Hîwa le maɫ-eke çûw-Ø".

13. win birdinewe

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	ʂetr̂enc=î	le	Zanko-î	bird-Ø-ewe
pn	chess=3 sg . pc	from	pn - obl	win. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa beat Zanko in chess.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense. The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

14. go out çûne der

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	maɫ-eke	çûw-Ø-e	der-ê
pn	from	house- def	go. pst -3 sg -to	out- loc
‘Hiwa went out of the house.’

15. drive birdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	manga-ke	de-b-at-e	lewer̂-ê
pn	cow- def	ind -take. prs -3 sg -to	pasture- loc
‘Hiwa is driving the cow to the pasture.’

16. bend çemandin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	liq-î	dar-eke=î	çemand-Ø
pn	branch- izf	tree- def =3 sg . pc	bend. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa bent the branch.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

17. tell witin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	be	Perî=î	wit-Ø	ewr̂o	zeng=im	bo	lê-d-e
pn	to	pn =3 sg . pc	tell. pst -3 sg	today	bell=1 sg . pc	for	prev -hit. imp -2 sg
‘Hiwa told Peri to call him today.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense. The 1SG.PC morpheme indexes the complement of the adposition.

18. hold be destewe bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	kitêb-êk=î	be	dest-ewe-(y)e
pn	book- indf =3 sg . pc	to	hand- dem -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa is holding a book in his hand.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

19. catch up girtnewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	Kamran=î	le	r̂êga-ke-da	girt-Ø-ewe
pn	pn =3 sg . pc	from	way- def -in	catch. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa caught up with Kamran on the way.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

20. milk doʂîn

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Dilan	manga-ke=î	doʂî-Ø
pn	cow- def =3 sg . pc	milk. pst -3 sg
‘Dilan milked the cow.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

21. reach geîŝtin

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_be

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	be	belem	geîʂt-Ø-e	kenar-î	çom-eke
pn	with	boat	reach. pst -3 sg -to	side- izf	river- def
‘Hiwa reached the riverbank in a boat.’
Note: The verbal marker "-e" is the result of the “migration” of the preposition "be", cf. “Hîwa be belem geîʂt-Ø be kenar-î çom-eke.”

22. touch dest dan

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	dest=î	le	dîwar-eke	da-Ø
pn	hand=3 sg . pc	from	wall- def	give. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa touched the wall.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

23. fight beʂer̂ hatin

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_legel

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: legel

Locus: Y

Hîwa	legeɫ	Arîwan-î	be-ʂer̂	d-ê
pn	with	pn - obl	to-fight	come. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is fighting with Ariwan.’
Note: The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

24. be friends r̂efîq bûn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	r̂efîq-î	Kamran-î-e
pn	friend- izf	pn - obl -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa is friends with Kamran.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

25. think bîr kirdinewe

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	bîr	le	Zanko-î	de-ka-t-ewe
pn	think	from	pn - obl	ind -do. prs -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa is thinking about Zanko.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument. The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

26. eat xiwardin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	sêw-êk=î	xiward-Ø
pn	apple- indf =3 sg . pc	eat. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa ate an apple.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

27. fry sûr kirdinewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hemîn	masî-eke=î	sûr	kird-Ø-ewe
pn	fish- def =3 sg . pc	red	do. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hemin fried the fish.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

28. wait çawer̂wan bûn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	çawer̂wan-î	Kamr̂an-î-e
pn	waiter- izf	pn - obl -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa is waiting for Kamran.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

29. forget le bir̂ cûnewe

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	rê	kurt-eke=î	le	bîr	çot-Ø-ewe
pn	road	short- def =3 sg . pc	from	thought	go. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa forgot about the shorter road.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the X argument, see the discussion of "EXT" in the Grammar notes. Lit. ≈ ‘Hiwa, to him the road is gone from memory’.

30. depend westan

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le.ser

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le.ser

Locus: Y

bîrge	de-west-êt-e	ser	temen
memory	ind -stand. prs -3 sg -to	head	age
‘Memory depends on age.’
Note: The verbal marker "–e" is the result of the “migration” of the preposition "le", cf. “bîrge de-west-êt le-ser temen”.

31. call zeng lêdan

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_bo

X: SBJ.TR

Y: bo

Locus: Y

Hîwa	zeng=î	bo	Kamr̂an-î	lê-da-Ø
pn	bell=3 sg . pc	for	pn - obl	prev -give. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa called Kamran.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

32. get to know aʂina bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_legel

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: legel

Locus: Y

Hîwa	parekane	legeɫ	Perî-î	aʂina	bû-Ø
pn	last.year	with	pn - obl	familiar	be. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa got to know Pari a year ago.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

33. know nasîn

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	Sakar-î	de-nas-ê
pn	pn - obl	ind -know. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa knows Sakar.’
Note: The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

34. play (instrument) jenîn

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	gîtar-î	de-jen-ê
pn	guitar- obl	ind -play. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa plays the guitar.’
Note: The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

35. avoid xo dizînewe

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xoî	le	Kamr̂an-î	de-diz-êt-ewe
pn	himself	from	pn - obl	ind -steal. prs -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa avoids Kamran.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument. The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

36. make diruŝt kirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	teɫemiʂk=î	diruŝt	kîrd-Ø
pn	mousetrap=3 sg . pc	correct	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa made a mousetrap.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

37. make fun fiʂe kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	fiʂe	be	Ferhad-î	de-k-a
pn	fun	to	pn - obl	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is making fun of Ferhad.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument. The OBL morpheme is used as a residual case marker here.

38. have hebûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	maʂên-êk=î	he-ye
pn	car- indf =3 sg . pc	exist -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa has a car.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate. The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the X argument, see the discussion of "EXT" in the Grammar notes.

39. look for ger̂an

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	kilîl-ek-an=î	de-ger̂-ê
pn	from	key- def - pl =3 sg . pc	ind -search. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is looking for his keys.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the possessor. In the past tense, the X argument would be indexed by a verb agreement marker.

40. paint r̂eng kirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	perjîn-eke=î	r̂eng	kird-Ø
pn	fence- def =3 sg . pc	color	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa painted the fence.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

41. bite geztin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

seg-êk	Hîwa=î	gezit-Ø
dog- indf	pn =3 sg . pc	bite. pst -3 sg
‘A dog bit Hiwa.’

42. forfeit le dest dan

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	maɫ-eke=î	de	awir-eke-da	le	dest	da-Ø
pn	house- def =3 sg . pc	in	fire- def -in	from	hand	give. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa lost his house in the fire.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

43. try to catch girtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	xerîk-e	piʂîle-ke	de-gir-ê
pn	busy-be. prs .3 sg	cat- def	ind -catch. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is trying to catch the cat.’

44. break ʂikandin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	ʂûɫ-eke=î	ʂikand-Ø
pn	stick- def =3 sg . pc	break. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa broke the stick.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

45. flatter sazkirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	xerîk-e	Perî-î	saz-de-k-a
pn	busy-be. prs .3 sg	pn - obl	making- ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is flattering Pari.’

46. love (person) äʂiq bûn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	äʂiq-î	Perî-î-e
pn	lover- izf	pn - obl -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa loves Pari.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier. Non-verbal predicate.

47. wave r̂aweʂandin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	desire-yek	r̂a-de-weʂên-ê
pn	handkerchief- def	prev - ind -hit. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is waving a handkerchief.’

48. dream xewin dîtin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be.we

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be.we

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xewin	be	maʂên-êk-î	niwê-we	de-bîn-ê
pn	dream	to	car- indf - izf	new-to	ind -see. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is dreaming of a new car.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

49. wash ʂirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	fincan-eke=î	ʂird-Ø
pn	cup- def =3 sg . pc	wash. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa washed the cup.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

50. put on leber kirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	ʂaɫwar-eke=î	le-ber	kird-Ø
pn	trouser- def =3 sg . pc	from-side	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa put on his trousers.’
Note: The exact nature of the 3SG.PC marker is not clear (ambiguous).

51. be called pê witin

Valency pattern: DO_QUOT

X: DO

Y: QUOT

Locus: XY

ew	amêr-e	compass=î	pê-de-ɫê-n
this	tool- dem	compass=3 sg . pc	prev - ind -tell. prs -3 pl
‘This tool is called a compass. ’
Note: This is a transimpersonal construction (lit. ‘they call this tool a compass’).

52. punish siza dan

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	kur̂-eke=î	siza	da-Ø
pn	boy- def =3 sg . pc	punishment	give. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa punished his son.’

53. attack pelamar dan

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

wirç-êk	pelamar-î	masîgir-êk=î	da-Ø
bear- indf	attack- izf	fisherman- indf =3 sg . pc	give. pst -3 sg
‘A bear attached a fisherman.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

54. fill (intr) pir̂ bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

setɫ-eke	pir̂	bû-Ø	le	aw
bucket- def	full	be. pst -3 sg	from	water
‘The bucket filled with water. ’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

55. find dîtinewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	kilîl-ek-an=î	dît-Ø-ewe
pn	key- def - pl =3 sg . pc	see. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa found his keys.’

56. be short kemi bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	êsta	yoroyek=î	kem-e
pn	now	euro=3 sg . pc	less-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa is now one euro short.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

57. hate r̂ig bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_le

X: EXT

Y: le

Locus: XY

Hîwa	r̂iq=î	le	Ferhad-e
pn	hatred=3 sg . pc	from	pn -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa hates Farhad.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

58. like ḧez bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_le

X: EXT

Y: le

Locus: XY

Hîwa	êsta	ḧez=î	le-ew	kirase-ye
pn	now	liking=3 sg . pc	from-this	shirt-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa now likes this shirt.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate. Lit. ≈ ‘Hiwa, to him is now liking from this shirt’

59. need pêwîstî bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	êsta	pare=î	pêwîst-e
pn	now	money=3 sg . pc	neccessary-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa now needs money.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

60. surround dewre dan

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

dîwar-ek-an	dewre-î	ŝar=yan	da-Ø-we
wall- def - pl	surrounding- izf	city=3 pl . pc	give. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Walls surrounded the city.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

61. remain manewe

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	êsta	10	yoro=î	pê-ma-w-e
pn	now	10	euro=3 sg . pc	to-remain. pst - ptcp -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa has now 10 euros left.’

62. answer wiɫam danewe

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	wiɫam-î	mamosta-ke=î	da-Ø-we
pn	answer- izf	teacher- def =3 sg . pc	give. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa answered the teacher.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

63. open kirdinewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	qutu-ek=î	kird-Ø-ewe
pn	can- indf =3 sg . pc	do. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa opened a can.’

64. be different ciyawaz bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

na,	kiras-eke-î	min	ciyawaz-e	le	hîto
no,	shirt- def - izf	i	different-be. prs .3 sg	from	yours
‘No, my shirt is different from yours.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

65. fall behind be cê man

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	Diyako-î	be	cê	ma-Ø
pn	from	pn - obl	to	place	remain. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa fell behind Diako.’

66. plough kêɫan

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	zewî-eke-î	de-kêɫ-ê
pn	field- def - obl	ind -plough. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is ploughing the field.’

67. smell bon lêhatin

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

dest-ek-an=im	bon-î	gazoɫ=yan	lê-d-ê
hand- def - pl =1 sg . pc	smell- izf	gasoline=3 pl . pc	prev - ind -come. prs .3 sg
‘My hands smell like gasoline.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

68. cross per̂înewe

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	cade-ke	per̂î-Ø-ewe
pn	from	road- def	jump. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa crossed the road.’

69. sing witin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Sîrwan	goranî-ek-î	xoʂ=î	wit-Ø
pn	song- def - izf	good=3 sg . pc	tell. pst -3 sg
‘Sirwan sang a beautiful song.’

70. write nûsîn

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	name-yek=î	nûsî-Ø
pn	letter- indf =3 sg . pc	write. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa wrote a letter.’

71. drink xiwardinewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	ʂîr-eke=î	xiward-Ø-ewe
pn	milk- def =3 sg . pc	eat. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa drank the milk.’

72. melt tuwandinewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	let-êk	qeɫay=î	tuwand-Ø-ewe
pn	piece- indf	lead=3 sg . pc	melt. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa melted a piece of lead.’

73. match hatinewe

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

ew	qayʂ-e	le	kiras-eke=m	d-ê-t-ewe
this	leather- dem	from	dress- def =1 sg . pc	ind -come. prs -3 sg - asp
‘This belt matches my dress.’

74. leave hêʂtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

min	ew	ʂar-e	be	cê	de-hêɫ-im
i	this	city- dem	to	place	ind -allow. prs -1 sg
‘I am leaving this city.’

75. cover dapoʂîn

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

fer̂ʂ-eke	tewaw	kef-eke=î	da-de-poʂ-ê
carpet- def	complete	floor- def =3 sg . pc	prev - ind -cover. prs -3 sg
‘The carpet covers the whole floor.’

76. remember le bîr bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	maɫ-eke=î	le	bîr-e
pn	house- def =3 sg . pc	from	thought-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa remembers the house.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

77. help yarmetî dan

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	yarmet-î	Kamran=î	da-Ø
pn	help- izf	pn =3 sg . pc	give. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa helped Kamran.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

78. understand (language) têgeîʂtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	Fer̂anseî	tê-de-g-a
pn	f rench	prev - ind -arrive. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa understands French.’

79. hit (target) dan

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

brîske	le	maɫ-ek=em=î	da-Ø
lightning	from	house- def =1 sg . pc =3 sg . pc	give. pst -3 sg
‘Lightning hit my house.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

80. cut oneself xo bir̂în

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

min	be	tiẍ-î	xo=m	bir̂î-Ø
i	to	razor- obl	self=1 sg . pc	cut. pst -3 sg
‘I cut myself with razor. ’
Note: The 1SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

81. get stuck nûsan

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_be.we

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: be.we

Locus: Y

lîwan-eke	be	mîz-eke-we	nûsa-Ø-we
glass- def	to	table- def -to	stick. pst -3 sg - asp
‘The glass got stuck to the table.’

82. lose (game) dor̂andin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	be	Sirwan=î	dor̂and-Ø
pn	to	pn =3 sg . pc	lose. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa lost to Sirwan.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

83. be glad ʂad bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_be

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	be	name-ke	ʂad	bû-Ø
pn	to	letter- def	glad	be. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa was glad about the letter.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

84. speak qise kirdîn

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_legel

X: SBJ.TR

Y: legel

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xerîk-e	legeɫ	Perî-î	qise	de-k-a
pn	busy-be. prs .3 sg	with	pn - obl	talking	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is speaking with Peri.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

85. give birth bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Sirwe	kur̂-êk=î	bû-Ø
pn	boy- indf =3 sg . pc	be. pst -3 sg
‘Sirwe gave birth to a son.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

86. drop berdanewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	perdax-eke=î	ber-da-Ø-we
pn	glass- def =3 sg . pc	prev -give. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa dropped the glass.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

87. govern ber̂êwe birdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	ʂare-ke=man	be-r̂ê-we	de-b-a
pn	city- def =1 pl . pc	to-road-to	ind -take. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa runs our town.’

88. miss tase kirdîn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Mensour	tase-î	Marie-î	de-k-a
pn	missing- izf	pn - obl	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Mansour misses Marie.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

89. follow wediwa kewtin

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Kamr̂an	we-diwa-î	Mensour-î	de-kew-ê
pn	prev -back- izf	pn - obl	ind -fall-3 sg
‘Kamran follows Mansour.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

90. dismount dabezîn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	hesp-eke-î	dabezî-Ø
pn	from	horse- def - obl	dismount. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa got down from the horse.’
Note: The exact morphemic boundaries in "dabezî" are not fully clear.

91. listen giwê dan

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xerîk-e	giwê	de-d-at-e	r̂adwê
pn	busy-be. prs .3 sg	ear	ind -give. prs -3 sg -to	radio
‘Hiwa is listening to the radio.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument. The verbal marker “–e” is the result of the “migration” of the preposition “be”, cf. “Hîwa xerîk-e giwê de-d-at le r̂adwê”.

92. obey be qise kirdin

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	hemîʂe	be	qise-î	dayk=î	de-k-a
pn	always	to	talking- izf	mother=3 sg . pc	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa always obeys his mother.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

93. hear giwê bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_le

X: EXT

Y: le

Locus: XY

Hîwa	êsta	giwe=î	le	mûsîqa-ye
pn	now	ear=3 sg . pc	from	music-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa hears the music now.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

94. mix têkeɫ bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_legel

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: legel

Locus: Y

hengiwîn-eke	legeɫ	shîr-eke-î	têkeɫ	bû-Ø
honey- def	with	milk- def - obl	mix	be. pst -3 sg
‘The honey got mixed with the milk.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

95. look çaw kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xerîk-e	çaw	le	hewr-ek-an	de-k-a
pn	busy-be. prs .3 sg	eye	from	cloud- def - pl	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is looking at the clouds.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

96. take off dakendin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	kiras-eke=î	da-kend-Ø
pn	shirt- def =3 sg . pc	prev -pull. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa took off his shirt.’

97. dream (sleeping) xewin dîtin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be.we

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be.we

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xewin	be	Perî-î-we	de-bîn-ê
pn	dream	to	pn - obl -to	ind -see. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa dreams about Pari.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

98. agree hawr̂a bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_legel

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: legel

Locus: Y

Hîwa	legel	Perî-î	haw-r̂a-ye
pn	with	pn - obl	prev -thought-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa agrees with Pari.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

99. have a quarrel ʂer̂ bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_legel

X: EXT

Y: legel

Locus: XY

Hîwa	legeɫ	Perî-î	ʂer̂=ît-î
pn	with	pn - obl	fight=3 sg . pc -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa had a quarrel with Pari.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate. Lit. ≈ ‘As for Hiwa, there is his fight with Peri’. The glossing of the final morpheme in the verb is not clear here.

100. cost bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_be

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: be

Locus: Y

ew	fincan-e	be	yek	yoro-ye
this	cup- dem	to	one	euro-be. prs .3 sg
‘This cup costs one euro.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

101. shoot at teqe kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	teqe=î	le	baɫinde-ke-î	kird-Ø
pn	shoot=3 sg . pc	from	bird- def - obl	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa shot at the bird.’
Note: The 3SG.PC morpheme indexes the subject of the transitive clause in the past tense.

102. pour r̂iʂtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	ʂekir-eke=î	r̂iʂt-Ø
pn	sugar- def =3 sg . pc	pour. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa poured the sugar.’

103. lose win kirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	kilîl-ek-an=î	win	kird-Ø
pn	key- def - pl =3 sg . pc	disappear	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa lost his keys.’

104. sink nuqim bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_lenew.da

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: lenew.da

Locus: Y

kolkedar-eke	lenêw	çom-eke-î-da	nuqim	bû-Ø
log- def	inside	river- def - obl -in	sinking	be. pst -3 sg
‘The log sank in the river.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

105. kill kuʂtin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	Sîrwan=î	kuʂt-Ø
pn	pn =3 sg . pc	kill. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa killed Sirwan.’

106. hit dan

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	Marî-î	da-Ø
pn	from	pn - obl	give. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa hit Marie.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

107. kiss maç kirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	Perî=î	maç	kird-Ø
pn	pn =3 sg . pc	kiss	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa kissed Pari.’

108. read xiwêndinewe

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	kitêb-êk-î	sirinc	r̂akêʂ=î	xiwênd-Ø-ewe
pn	book- def - izf	attention	puller=3 sg . pc	read. pst -3 sg - asp
‘Hiwa read an interesting book.’

109. move (bodypart) cûɫandin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	qamk=î	cuɫand-Ø
pn	finger=3 sg . pc	move. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa moved his finger.’

110. respect r̂êz girtin

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	r̂êz-î	Marî-î	de-gir-ê
pn	respect- izf	pn - obl	ind -catch. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa respects Marie.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

111. be squeamish bêz kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	bêz	le	qap	u	keçk-î	piŝ	de-k-a
pn	disgusted	from	bowl	and	spoon- izf	dirty	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is squeamish about dirty dishes.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

112. be content râzî bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	kur-eke=î	r̂azî-e
pn	from	boy- def =3 sg . pc	content-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa is content with his son.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

113. fall in love äʂiq bûn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	äʂiq-î	Perî-î	bû-Ø
pn	lover- izf	pn - obl	be. pst .3 sg
‘Hiwa fell in love with Pari.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

114. trust mitmane bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_be

X: EXT

Y: be

Locus: XY

Hîwa	mitmane=î	be	Perî-î-e
pn	trust=3 sg . pc	to	pn - obl -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa trusts Pari.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

115. sympathise hawderd bûn

Valency pattern: NA

X: *

Y: *

Locus: *

Hîwa	hawderd-î	dayk=î-tî
pn	sympathizer- izf	mother=3 sg . pc -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa sympathies with his mother.’
Note: Not included in the database because Y is expressed as an NP-internal modifier.

116. envy bexîlî birdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	bexîlî	be	Sîrwan-î	de-b-a
pn	envy	to	pn - obl	ind -take. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa envies Sirwan.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

117. be angry qeɫs bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	Kamr̂an-î	qeɫs-e
pn	from	pn - obl	angry-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa is angry with Kamran.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

118. be surprised ser sur̂man

Valency pattern: EXT_le

X: EXT

Y: le

Locus: XY

Hîwa	le-ew	diyarî-e	ser=î	sur̂ma	bû-Ø
pn	from-this	gift- dem	head=3 sg . pc	spinning	be- pst .3 sg
‘Hiwa was surprised at this gift.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

119. love (tea) ḧez bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_le

X: EXT

Y: le

Locus: XY

Hîwa	ḧez=î	zor	le	ça-ye
pn	joy=3 sg . pc	very	from	tea-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa loves tea.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

120. enjoy pêxoʂ bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	ça-î	gerim=î	pê-xoʂ-e
pn	tea- izf	warm=3 sg . pc	prev -good-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa enjoys hot tea.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

121. want wîstin

Valency pattern: EXT_SBJ.INTR

X: EXT

Y: SBJ.INTR

Locus: X

Hîwa	mobayl-êk-î	niwê=î	de-w-ê
pn	mobile- indf - izf	new=3 sg . pc	ind -want. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa wants a new mobile phone.’

122. have a grudge r̂iq heɫgirtin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	r̂iq=î	le	Kamr̂an-î	heɫ-girt-û-e
pn	hatred=3 sg . pc	from	pn - obl	prev -catch. pst - pfv -be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa has a grudge against Kamran.’

123. take offence bê r̂êzî kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_be

X: SBJ.TR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	bê	r̂êzî	be	Perî-î	kird-Ø
pn	without	respect	to	pn - obl	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa took offence at Pari.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

124. upset bêzar kirdin

Valency pattern: TR

X: SBJ.TR

Y: DO

Locus: TR

Hîwa	Perî-î	zor	bêzar	kird-Ø
pn	pn =3 sg . pc	very	upset	do. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa greatly upset Pari.’

125. marvel sersam bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_be

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: be

Locus: Y

Hîwa	be	ʂar-eke-î	sersam	bû-Ø
pn	to	city- def - obl	impressed	be. pst -3 sg
‘Hiwa was impressed by this town.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

126. despise ḧîsabî pûʂêk nekirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_bo

X: SBJ.TR

Y: bo

Locus: Y

Hîwa	ḧîsab-î	pûʂêk	bo	Perî-î	na-k-a
pn	counting- izf	hay- indf	for	pn - obl	neg -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa disdains Pari.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.

127. get upset narâhet bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	le	kur̂-eke=î	nar̂ahet-e
pn	from	boy- def =3 sg . pc	upset-be. prs .3 sg
‘Hiwa got upset with his son.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

128. get irritated bêzar bûn

Valency pattern: SBJ.INTR_le

X: SBJ.INTR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	xerîk-e	le	kiç-eke=î	bêzar	de-b-ê
pn	busy-be. prs .3 sg	from	daughter- def =3 sg . pc	annoyed	ind -become. prs -3 sg
‘Hiwa is getting irritated with his daughter.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

129. be fond diɫ xoŝ bûn

Valency pattern: EXT_be

X: EXT

Y: be

Locus: XY

Hîwa	diɫ=î	xoʂ-e	be	Perî-î
pn	heart=3 sg . pc	good-be. prs .3 sg	to	pn - obl
‘Hiwa is fond of Pari.’
Note: Non-verbal predicate.

130. be shy ʂerm kirdin

Valency pattern: SBJ.TR_le

X: SBJ.TR

Y: le

Locus: Y

Hîwa	ʂerm	le	baɫa=î	de-k-a
pn	shyness	from	height=3 sg . pc	ind -do. prs -3 sg
‘Hîwa is shy about his height.’
Note: In the past tense, a pronominal clitic would be used to index the X argument.